Collectivism in American Politics

Excerpted from Secret Organizations and Hidden Agendas: The Future Is Calling (Part Two)
© 2003 – 2009 by G. Edward Griffin Revised 2009 April 19

At the end of the 19th Century, a secret society was formed by Cecil Rhodes. Most of his great wealth was given to extend this organization throughout the world. It exists today and has been a major historical force since World War I. Its original goal was to extend the British Empire and Anglo-Saxon culture throughout the world. It soon evolved into something even bigger in scope. The goal became world government of an international character based on the model of collectivism ruled from behind the scenes by an oligarchy composed of those who are loyal to the secret society.

It’s time to define the word conspiracy. A composite definition taken from several dictionaries is that a conspiracy must have three components: (1) It includes two or more people; (2) It involves a plot to commit an illegal or immoral act; and (3) It employs deceit or coercion to accomplish its objective. As we shall see, the group that evolved from the funding of Cecil Rhodes’ fortune has far more than two people and it is a master of deceit and coercion. On those counts it is clearly a conspiracy, but on count number three, we must understand that the participants themselves do not consider their goal to be immoral. In fact, they affectionately describe it as The New World Order, and they consider its attainment to be the highest morality possible in social affairs. In their view, the virtue of this goal is so great that it justifies any act of destruction or sacrifice of individuals if it is necessary for its advance.

One of the best authorities on the social and political vision of Cecil Rhodes was Carroll Quigley, a highly respected history professor at Georgetown University. Quigley wrote the history of this conspiracy and published it in two books, Tragedy and Hope and The Anglo-American Establishment. They were not intended for mass readership. One-thousand seven-hundred pages altogether, they were written primarily for scholars, students of political science, and those who are involved with the conspiracy at some limited level and want a better understanding of its totality.

At last we come to that obscure yet ubiquitous organization that plays such a decisive roll in contemporary American political life: The Council on Foreign Relations. Now we understand that it was spawned from the secret society of Cecil Rhodes, that it is a front for a Roundtable Group (originally embodied in J.P. Morgan and Company but now the Rockefeller consortium), and that its primary goal is to promote world government based on the model of collectivism.

Why is that important? Because members of the Council on Foreign Relations have become the hidden rulers of America.

The CFR embraces members of both major American political parties. It is not a partisan organization. Voters are led to believe that, by choosing between the Democrat and Republican parties, they have a choice. They think they are participating in their own political destiny, but that is an illusion. To a collectivist like Professor Quigley, it is a necessary illusion to prevent the voters from meddling into the important affairs of state. If you have ever wondered why the two American parties appear so different at election time but so similar afterward, listen carefully to Quigley’s approving overview of American politics:

The National parties and their presidential candidates, with the Eastern Establishment assiduously fostering the process behind the scenes, moved closer together and nearly met in the center with almost identical candidates and platforms, although the process was concealed as much as possible, by the revival of obsolescent or meaningless war cries and slogans (often going back to the Civil War). … The argument that the two parties should represent opposed ideals and policies, one, perhaps, of the Right and the other of the Left, is a foolish idea acceptable only to the doctrinaire and academic thinkers. Instead, the two parties should be almost identical, so that the American people can “throw the rascals out” at any election without leading to any profound or extreme shifts in policy. … Either party in office becomes in time corrupt, tired, unenterprising, and vigorless. Then it should be possible to replace it, every four years if necessary, by the other party, which will be none of these things but will still pursue, with new vigor, approximately the same basic policies.1

What are those basic policies? They are anything that advances the network’s long-range goal. Quigley says that candidates and parties can and should differ on many things so long as they mutually advance world government based on the model of collectivism. While campaigning, they should appear to be fierce opponents; but when the elections are over, they must work in harmony for the main objective. Everything else is showmanship. Let us examine a few examples.

In the Carter Administration, the U.S. electorate was overwhelmingly opposed to giving away the Panama Canal, yet the leadership of both parties voted to do so, led on both sides of the isle by members of the CFR.

Republicans call for war in the Middle East and advocate that we give more power to the UN. Democrats call for peace and advocate that we give more power to the UN. The voters don’t want that, but it is a goal of CFR. Neither party objects to the fact that a UN resolution was the legal basis for war rather than the U.S. Constitution.

Republicans promote legislation to restrict personal rights in the name of anti-terrorism. Democrats give speeches of concern and then vote for those laws. The voters don’t want that, but it is the goal of the CFR. The legislation was written by members of the CFR even before 9/11.

Republicans give speeches about the danger of illegal immigration. Democrats give speeches about compassion to immigrants. Both parties unite in merging the U.S. with Mexico and Canada so that national borders soon will be meaningless. The voters don’t want that, but it is the goal of CFR.

Republican leaders steal elections with rigged voting machines. Democrat leaders accept their fate with no serious challenge. That’s because rigging elections by pre-programmed voting machines is merely the latest and perhaps ultimate implementation of the Quigley Formula. It’s the end of the line for honest elections and representative government.

The leaders of both political parties are like TV wrestlers. They put on a great show in the ring. They slam each other onto the mat. They jump on each other, pummel each other with apparently bone-breaking blows. They throw each other out of the ring; but it is not a real contest. They have agreed in advance who is going to win, and they are content to wait their turn to be the winner next time. They are professionals, and it’s good for business.

Likewise, politicians today are professionals. They also know what is good for their business, and they play the game well. Meanwhile, voters are like tennis balls, smashed back and forth across the net of politics. The tennis players win half the time, but the tennis ball never wins. And so the game goes on, as our nation and freedom fade into history.

This game would not be convincing without the media pied pipers who serve the two major parties. These celebrity-status commentators and organizations offer themselves as unbiased observers with no political ambitions of their own; but, in reality, they are highly partisan propagandists. No matter what grave issue is up for discussion, their analysis will skew it as a reason to vote Republican or Democrat, depending on their bias. Here are a few examples.

Talk-show host, Rush Limbaugh, does a great job of exposing and ridiculing corrupt Democrats and their policies, but he never met a Republican he didn’t like. He may gently criticize Republicans once in a while, but never with the vitriol heaped upon Democrats. He may express disdain now and then for the United Nations but only because it is not strong enough or because it fails to take what Republicans consider to be the correct action. He never questions its power or legitimacy – and, of course, he never mentions the CFR.

Film producer, Michael Moore, does a great job of exposing and ridiculing corrupt Republicans and their policies, but he never met a Democrat he didn’t like. He’s all for the United Nations and never mentions the CFR.

The organization called Accuracy in Media does a great job of exposing deceit and treachery within the ranks of Democrats, but it finds little to criticize in the Republican camp and never mentions the CFR.

The organization called Move-On does a great job of exposing deceit and treachery within the ranks of Republicans, but it finds little to criticize in the Democrat camp and never mentions the CFR.

The Internet news and commentary service, Human Events Online, calls itself a “conservative” weekly; but it is an obedient supporter of the Republican Party even when it’s policies are the opposite of traditional conservatism. It never mentions the CFR.

The editors of the Internet news service, Unknown News, say they are disgusted with both parties because they do not offer serious solutions to the problems they mutually have created. Hooray! But, in their commentary, they routinely identify corrupt Republicans by party label (implying they are scumbags because they are Republicans). They usually omit the party label when reporting on corrupt Democrats. If they do include it, they often accompany it by saying: “Even the Democrats” were involved with this or failed to oppose that. The clear message is that they expect more from the Democrats. Unknown News reports the deeds of such corrupt world leaders, as Putin, Castro, and Chavez in sympathetic or admiring tones. We are never reminded of their failures or crimes. Domestic leaders who are Marxist/Leninists also receive favorable coverage, which reveals that the affinity of its editors is with Leninism. Collectivism is their solution-of-choice for every problem. They are disgusted with both political parties, not because they have led us deeper into collectivism, but because they are not aligned with Leninism. The Democrats are more so, in the sense that most U.S. based Leninists are within the Democrat Party and have a strong voice there, which explains the more gentle treatment the Democrats receive from Unknown News. It never mentions the CFR.

The result of this two-party charade is that Americans – and those in most other countries in the Western World – are the victims of a great deception. Voters have been fooled into thinking they are participating in their own political destiny when, in reality, they are being herded into a high-tech feudalism entirely without their consent and, to a large degree, even without their knowledge. This is accomplished by the mirage of a meaningful choice at election time when, in fact, the major parties and their candidates are merely two branches of the same tree of collectivism. Voters today are not attracted to candidates because of their political principles. They have none. Political principles are never allowed as a topic of debate, anyway. Instead, voters make choices on the basis of candidates’ good looks, their smiles, how clever they are in televised debates, their perceived sincerity, and especially how many “benefits” they promise to give to some citizens that are paid from taxes from other citizens. Legalized plunder is a powerful motivator, and it is used with precision by both major parties.

Many voters have come to regard elections as magnificent games in which only the cleverest contestants are entitled to win. They become fascinated by the strategies and deployment of resource, and techniques for evading tough issues, and cleverness of TV spots, and ability to appeal to large voting blocs. They don’t really care who wins as much as they want to pick the winner. To them, it’s like betting in a football pool. They may favor one team over another, but they will place their bet on the team they think stands the best chance of winning, even if it is not their favorite. Winning is everything.

That is how they cast their votes. They may prefer a certain candidate, but they will not vote for him if they think someone else will win. How many times have we heard: “I like Bill Smith but he can’t win. So I’m voting for Harry Stone.” All the media has to do is convince people that Bill Smith can’t win, and that will influence enough people to withdraw their vote and make the prediction a self-fulfilling prophecy. The primary purpose of a vote is, not to choose a winner, but to express a choice. It is to create a public record of how many people support the policies and principles of a particular candidate so that, even if he does not win, the winner and the community will be aware of how much support the losing candidate has. It is the ultimate public-opinion poll. We do not want a winner-take-all type of system where those who are considered to have the best chance of winning receive an overwhelming but misleading vote of support. A tyrant who receives 51% of the vote will be more restrained than one who has 80%. The good man who receives 49% of the vote, even though not a winner, becomes a rallying point for those of like mind. He becomes a much more serious contender in the next election than if he receives only 20% of the vote. There is no point in voting for a candidate unless it is a true reflection of our choice. Representative government is serious business, and treating it as a football pool is succumbing to the politics of stupidity.

There is a third scenario that is even worse. Voters may vote for Harry Stone, not because they think he has a better chance than Bill Smith but because they think he is the lesser of two evils. They vote, not for someone but against someone. It’s not that they like candidate A but they hate candidate B. This is exactly as prescribed by the Quigley Formula. Quigley said that a controlled two-party system will allow people to “throw the rascals out” and replace them with a fresh team with new vigor so the government can continue the bi-partisan drive toward global collectivism with the support of the electorate – until the next cycle when it may be advantageous to swing back again to the previous party. If people wonder why we have evil in government, it’s because they voted for it. The lesser of two evils is still evil. This is the politics of hatred, and it is a highly effective weapon against those who are not aware of the tactic – which is to say, most voters.

Voting for a candidate because we hate the other one, and thinking that we cannot go outside the two-party system because a third-party candidate cannot win, is a trap. To escape that trap, we must understand, not only the Quigley Formula, but also the secret society and its outer rings that have implemented it.

1 Quigley, Tragedy, pp. 1247–1248.

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